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        Over the last 25 years, China has grown fast enough to induce the world to notice it as a rising power in the international arena in general and in Asia in particular. What is noteworthy here is that instead of chest thumping, it has concentrated on ensuring against distracting its attention from hastening domestic economic growth by any misplaced activism on the international front. Having firmed up its developmental exercise in this manner, it opted for a departure in its foreign policy from its traditional inwardness towards an outwardly assertive expression of concern for what is happening abroad and relating it to its own political stakes. Indeed from 2006, Chinese leaders spent much time abroad to sense global developments. This does vindicate the view that the sleeping dragon has awakened itself from the slumber of centuries to lay claim to its new status as a big power on its own steam.

        Chinese President Hu Jintao has spoken of his intention of implementing his harmonious world-oriented diplomacy. This reflects clear recognition on its part of the fact that its actions would surely have repercussions far beyond its borders. It has accordingly begun strengthening its economic muscle as evidenced by its acquiring the largest foreign exchange reserves in the world of $1 trillion which makes it the fourth largest among the economies of the world.

        At this rate, China would be at the top by the end of two more decades-and-a- half. Naturally, in order to sustain its double-digit economic growth, it has become more active internationally. It cannot do without imports for securing its requirements of oil and other natural resources. Hence, it has begun wooing raw material rich countries such as those of Latin America, Africa and Central Asia. These are also prospective markets for Chinese exports. No wonder, China hosted three major international summits of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the China-African and the China-ASEAN, all in 2006. The SCO ropes in the energy rich nations covering 30 million square kilometres of Eurasia constituted by Central Asia and Russia which is a formidable alliance indeed.

        Apart from serving the economic interests of China, it would set up an alternative to US influence in Central Asia. More significant than SCO has been the China-Africa summit under the auspices of which heads of 40 African nations met in Beijing. Beyond promising assistance of $5 billion, top leaders of China visited select African countries.

        In January, Chinese Foreign Minister visited some West African countries. President Hu Jintao toured Nigeria, Morocco and Kenya and Prime Minister Wen Jiabo covered other seven African countries. It would be wrong to scoff at these visits to these developing countries as inconsequential because Beijing is steadily replacing the traditional influence of the US and European nations in Africa.

        Washington is most concerned about this development but is afraid of displeasing China because of its desire to exploit Chinese markets. Beijing is also aware that it requires a calm environment across borders. In recognition of this reality, it has defused the flashpoint of North Korea by persuading it to participate in the six-nation dialogue. It is shedding its hawkishness towards India by easing Sino-Indian relations vis-à-vis the border issue.

        Also, increasingly the UN turns to China when it needs peacekeepers, Africa turns to it to meet its infrastructural investments and even the US to bring North Korea to the negotiating table. Against the backdrop of this commendable record of China, the distressing question that is spurred is where we are and what our policymakers intend doing to save India from being swept off its feet in the international arena. It is another way of asking when our politicians would begin caring for the country's interests instead of playing games of power-grab and fortune-hunting.